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Tiny Dijbouti’s key strategic position brings European and Asian garrisons to alignment

Some tried to say that we were engaged in dubious larping. On the contrary, it is happening and it is the correct configuration of alliance -

The sort of alliance that Majorityrights advocates between European peoples and Asia(ns) is Happening. We envisage a coordinated effort to protect our peoples, secure our lands, access to vital resources and to maintain our channels of commerce. Allying our peoples and military stations along that line come with the broader purpose of securing our people against Islamic, Arab and African populations, Abrahamic/Judaic and Jewish populations, power and influence.

The World Weekly, “Why tiny Djibouti matters to the world’s powers” 7 April 2016:

Djiboutian Politics

A home to military bases for the US, France and soon China, Djibouti may be the most important tiny African state you’ve never heard about.

At the close of another hot day on the coast of Djibouti, a tiny country on the Horn of Africa, workers are clambering over huge concrete cubes beneath a red crane. One by one, the 2,500-tonne blocks are being submerged in the water: part of a plan to stun the shoreline into submission and create a vast new port at the heart of global trade.

“We’re going to fill in the sea,” Abdo Mohammed, the logistics manager for the $590m project, tells me with quiet glee.

Thirty per cent of all shipping in the world passes this point on the north-east edge of Africa, where the water narrows to a few kilometres opposite Yemen. A former French colony that became independent only in 1977, Djibouti sits at the southern entrance to the Red Sea, en route to the Suez Canal — a waypoint between Africa, India and the Middle East. Over the past 15 years, the country has set about capitalising on its location at the nexus of international trade: once completed, the Doraleh Multi-Purpose Port will be the largest of eight ports that together will handle containers, livestock, oil, phosphates and more.

But the geostrategic ambition of the small, authoritarian state — which at 23,200 sq km (8,950 sq miles) is only slightly larger than Wales — does not stop there. The US, several European countries and Japan have all pinned global military ambitions on Djibouti. Now China is set to do the same.

Construction began on the new port in 2013. “But then [last year] we had to change things around,” says Mohammed. He gestures with his phone in the direction of the arid land behind us. “We had to make a new section over there, beside the mountain, inside the port. That’s where the Chinese military base will be.”

The sun, by now a giant orange disc, slips behind the sea. Mohammed’s nonchalant disclosure marks the culmination of the search that brought me here. China is planning its first overseas military base at Doraleh, within a few kilometres of America’s largest military outpost in Africa. As superpowers jostle for strategic influence, this impoverished state, home to fewer than a million people, is helping to shape a new world order.

Djibouti first came to the attention of France when the French navy commandeered its coastline in 1862 as a stop to refuel and restock coal steamers en route to French Indochina. French Somaliland, as the colony became known soon after, opened up the landlocked African hinterland to international trade; in the 1910s, a new railway from Addis Ababa to Djibouti linked Ethiopia to the sea. Djibouti is a barren land of mountains and desert, and its location has always been its most precious resource. Even now, it is more port city than country: by far the majority of the population lives in the seaside capital of the same name.

A military and trading entrepôt that welcomes all comers, Djibouti today oozes espionage chic. It is home to pirate-hunters, soldiers, spies and Arab traders. Conservative Somali culture mixes with the legacy of flamboyant French Legionnaires.

“Djibouti is really experiencing a boom,” says Ahmed Osman Guelleh, the 56-year-old chief executive of GSK Group, a family logistics company that has forged its fortune through shipping. Yet the baking heat makes it remarkable that anything much gets done at all. One US soldier who served here describes it as “a hot hell box in the armpit of Africa”. Temperatures reach into the mid-40s for nearly half the year. Government offices shut down at 12.30, and an entire nation of men, and many women, take up the national pastime: chewing for hours on khat, a bitter leaf so renowned for its amphetamine-like properties that it is banned in Britain and the US.

The drug gives its wired adherents a daily ­buzz — and mollifying fuzz — they cannot be without. I watched market traders, government officials and on-duty police officers chew khat. Even the 49-year-old finance minister Ilyas Moussa Dawaleh admitted to me that his family has shares in the largest khat importer.

“If Djiboutians stopped chewing khat for seven days, they would overthrow the government,” says one port worker. He is only half joking. Eccentric and appealing as it is, Djibouti is authoritarian and brittle too. President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, a former head of the secret police who has run the country since 1999, will seek re-election for his fourth term on April 8, having altered the constitution in 2010 to allow him to extend his rule. The opposition complains regularly of illegal security crackdowns and the impossibility of free and fair elections.

Flanked by Eritrea, Ethiopia and Somalia, Djibouti is viewed as a haven in the unstable Horn of Africa and hosts armed forces from around the world. “There’s no country with so many military bases. You can throw stones from one end to the other of Djibouti and find military bases all the way, right next to each other,” says one senior official. France pledged to protect its former colony as part of a post-independence deal; after 9/11 it was joined by the US, which chose Djibouti as its base for rooting out emerging Islamist terror networks in the region. Initially, US troops were stationed on a navy ship but in 2003 they set up in Camp Lemonnier, a rundown French Legionnaires’ base beside the airport. The site has since expanded from 88 acres to 500. In 2014 a 10-year lease nearly doubled the annual rent the US pays Djibouti to $63m, with an option to extend for another 10 years.

In the past decade piracy has increased the tiny state’s strategic importance; as Somali pirates took hundreds of crews and vessels captive, costing global trade an estimated $7bn at a 2011 peak, several nations contributed to anti-piracy missions in Djibouti, including Germany, Italy and Japan.

Russia may also be interested in establishing a base. Djibouti’s foreign minister Mahmoud Ali Youssouf, an articulate 50-year-old with a reputation as the most competent minister in the government, tells me that while Djibouti turned down a request from Iran to host its military here — “because we think that Iran’s policy in the region is not a peaceful one” — it has not declined a similar recent request from Moscow. “Russia is a key player, it is a permanent member of the Security Council,” he tells me in his office. “For Russia we have no problem.”

The country is already so full of military personnel that its small, sandy capital city at times resembles a sprawling garrison. US fighter jets share the same airport runway as commercial airlines at the civil airport. French soldiers in impossibly skimpy, neon-hued shorts jog past brightly veiled women and mosques. The five-star Palace Kempinski hotel, a bubble of exclusivity in the otherwise poor city, serves $5 Cokes and popcorn tossed in truffle butter to crewcuts in uniform. Battle tattoos flash on the biceps and backs of Speedo-wearing soldiers in the infinity pool. Special-forces operatives sip Moscow Mules on the pontoon. International spies and drones operate daily. One western spy told me they enjoyed Djibouti because it is “quirky”.

Despite the multi-force troop presence, when rumours started circulating early last year that China was not only going to build its first overseas military base but that it was going to build it in Djibouti, rival powers were taken by surprise. Western countries and their allies view the prospect of China’s military arrival at a global chokepoint for trade and security with alarm. An anti-piracy mission in the Gulf of Aden in 2008 was the first time China had sent naval ships on a mission outside its territorial waters in more than 600 years.

For two fundamental reasons, I welcome China‘s outreach to African states (and believe any sane person should, though I must admit that sanity is not a commodity in great supply in the US these days). First, Africa needs all the help it can get and the Chinese have lots of stored up capital. Second, when the Chinese try to attach strings to their aid, before or after, the Africans smell it out rather swiftly. So far, the Chinese have been less than stellar in camouflaging such strings.”

Since then, Beijing has gradually shifted its foreign policy to embrace a more assertive military posture, moving to a strategy it calls “active defence”. Its pursuit of a Djibouti base has been cloaked in secrecy, with public statements short on detail. Some diplomats speak darkly of China’s “100-year horizons”. One senior western diplomat, with a more immediate timeframe in mind, says, “The worst-case scenario is that they [China] develop this web of bases to give them a kind of control over strategic waterways all the way into the Med.”

In financial terms, China is already what one official in the region describes as the “major show” in town. Following the model it has employed throughout Africa — offering billions of dollars in financing in exchange for access to resources — China is helping to bankroll a targeted $12.4bn of spending on huge infrastructure projects including the Doraleh port and a new railway to Ethiopia. Amid the boom in construction, Djibouti’s growth rate is likely to surpass 7 per cent this year. But the investments are having “limited trickle-down effects”, according to the International Monetary Fund. Nearly two-thirds of the population lives in poverty, and half the labour force is unemployed. In the absence of many skilled domestic workers, Chinese labourers have been flown in.

Loans from China for a water pipeline and the new railway from Ethiopia — agreed before talk of a military base — come to $814m, half of the country’s annual GDP. In 2013 the IMF suspended discussions with Djibouti because of its concerns over debt vulnerability; last year it warned of “elevated solvency risks”. Finance minister Dawaleh tells me he recently travelled to Beijing, seeking to negotiate easier repayment plans. Djibouti’s public and publicly guaranteed debt burden is likely to reach 81 per cent of GDP next year, mostly as a result of Chinese financing.

“We don’t want the Americans to leave but the Chinese invest billions of dollars in our infrastructure; that’s what the Americans are not doing,” foreign minister Youssouf explains. “So we are trying to keep the balance to see where our interest lies, as a small country with very limited resources.”

In early 2014, Djibouti and China signed an agreement to allow the Chinese navy — which ­contributes to international anti-piracy operations — to use its port. Beijing made no official comment when President Guelleh said, last May, that Djibouti was in talks with China to establish a military base. In November, China confirmed only a naval ­“support facility” destined for Djibouti, with a spokesperson saying, “It will help China’s military further carry out its international responsibilities to safeguard global and regional peace and stability.” Even in February this year, announcing the start of work on the project, China referred only to “logistical facilities” for naval rest and resupply. The Chinese embassy in Djibouti turned down my requests for an interview with the ambassador.

But when I speak to Youssouf, he is candid and happy to provide details of the deal he and President Guelleh have struck with China. “The terms of the contract and agreement are very clear and they are the same for each and every country that requested military presence in Djibouti,” he tells me in his office in the capital.

China will, he says, pay $20m a year for a 10-year lease for the military base, with an option to extend for a further 10 years. There will probably be “a few thousand” troops and military staff at the site, along with its own naval berth at the new port. It would use the base to protect its national interest — monitoring its merchant vessels passing the Bab el-Mandeb Strait that leads to the Suez Canal, and for its navy to refuel and restock — much as the French did more than 150 years ago. Youssouf also says that China, which is slated to build a second major airport in the country, would have as much right to use drones as the US and French. China’s foreign ministry declined to respond to faxed questions from the FT about the terms of the new base.

“The Americans have enough technology, enough fighter aircraft, enough drones [here] to control each and every piece of this land and even beyond,” says Youssouf. “Why should the Chinese not have the right to also use those materials . . . to preserve and protect their interest in the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb. Why?”

Official comments from those potentially affected are clipped: “We follow the situation about the Chinese base very closely,” says Tatsuo Arai, Japan’s ambassador to Djibouti. Youssouf admits that both Japan and the US have “expressed their worries” to both him and President Guelleh about the arrival of a Chinese military presence so close to their own, and its potential capabilities.

“Those preoccupations and worries expressed by the Americans and others are groundless, for us at least,” Youssouf tells me, deriding the west’s “hypocritical vision of our common interest”.

“We can host Chinese bases as we can host American bases . . . They might have conflicting interests elsewhere but here they cannot have conflicting interests, because the strait of Bab el-Mandeb is vital for each and everyone in the world,” he says. “There is no conflict of interest when it comes to global peace. China has no interest in doing anything [bad]. Everybody knows that nobody can take any action that could jeopardise the maritime traffic . . . This is a vital lifeline for the whole of international trade.

“We tried to reassure [the Americans and Japanese ], saying don’t worry, the same agreement we signed with them is the one we signed with you. So there is no reason to worry.”

That sense of equivalence may be precisely what is worrying the US. America, after all, is undertaking in Djibouti what Ambassador Tom Kelly tells me is “the biggest active military construction project in the entire world . . . It’s number one of everything we’re doing.” In his office at the US embassy, a monolith in sand-blown Haramous (what counts as the city’s upmarket district), the 54-year-old Kelly is unambiguous about the country’s vital role, describing Djibouti as “at the forefront of our national security policy right now”.

Geography is important (most who use the term ‘geopolitical’ don’t even know what they are implying by it). From Djibouti, Aden is just across, as is its state, Yemen, where al­-Qaeda abounds. The narrowest part of the Red Sea route, south, is there. Jeddah is just up the opposite coast and Mogadishu, another haven for al­-Qaeda, is the other way across the landmass. Moreover, the government of Djibouti, unlike most other African states, seems to be either sufficiently worried about its own security or lusting for hard currency, or both, to be one of the few African states willing to host a US troop presence.”

“The greatest threat to the US is terrorism, and we’re right on the front lines here,” he says. “It is an extremely important counterterrorism platform for the United States; within striking distance of two active affiliates — AQIP [al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula] and al-Shabaab in Somalia.”

The US runs special ops across the continent as well as drones from Djibouti, protects 16 embassies in the region and fights al-Qaeda affiliates in Somalia, Yemen and further afield. The country is also a key point for monitoring and securing trade routes. At Obock, a sleepy fishing port at the mouth of the Bab el-Mandeb Straits, the US has installed a surveillance centre.

From here, Djibouti can monitor southern access to the Suez, track seafaring traffic, patrol coastal waters and protect maritime borders. The US built a naval pier here in 2009 and conducts counterterrorism training and houses radar equipment in the nearby Ras Bir lighthouse.

The US presence is growing; $1bn is being spent on expanding its base, bulking up its presence for the long term. While the drone site has been moved to Chabelley, 10km south-west of the capital, the main US base in the city still has what operatives call a “secret side”, with a covert compound dedicated to special operations, targeting not only AQIP and al-Shabaab but also the main branch of al-Qaeda, Boko Haram, the Lord’s Resistance Army and Isis. As US troops withdraw from Afghanistan, Djibouti is now the active centre for what US soldiers at the camp refer to as “g-wot”: the global war on terror.

“Guys who come back can’t believe how much bigger it’s got,” one of the 4,500 troops and contractors living inside the base tells me. Unlike the French, they are allowed to leave the base only rarely during their downtime. Camp conditions approximate to, in the words of one resident, “adultday caree”. US forces eat at Combat Café, watch films at the Oasis Movie Theatre, play ping pong, poker and Xbox 360 in the gaming room, go to the gym and crack gags instructing each other to “have a Djiboutiful day”.

Japanese troops, whose anti-piracy mission numbers several hundred, sometimes visit for a game of soccer or touch rugby to alleviate what one Japanese soldier described to me as a dismal time coping with heat and boredom. Japan’s base also finds ways to remind cooped-up soldiers of home: I was treated to a tour that included a room filled with manga comics, traditional Japanese communal hot baths and the rare prospect of sushi.

The confines of the camp are in contrast to the freer life downtown. My own interest was piqued when a Somali friend described Djibouti as “Mogadishu meets Las Vegas”. The country, which a diplomat calls “one of the sentinels of moderate Muslim societies”, goes more or less by the secular French penal code, a leftover from colonial days. Compared with neighbouring Somalia’s practice of sharia, it is relatively liberal. Women rarely wear the full niqab, some shirk a headscarf completely. They meet for late-night sheeshas, guava juice and gossip beside the quay in the hot night air. Many have boyfriends, even if they shield it from their families.

“You can have your private life in Djibouti. That’s why we’re not like Somalia,” an impassioned 30-year-old woman tells me, saying it was down not to French influence but to “the Djiboutian mentality”. “We are much more open, more free. We don’t talk about sex ever but it goes on out of marriage. As long as you don’t bring shame on your family, your private life is free.”

Djibouti’s nightclubs stay open until 4am, with police carefully shepherding revellers to avoid clashing with the call of the muezzin as worshippers attend morning prayers. I watch a group of five Frenchmen — all swagger, sleeves rolled up, hands in pockets — rolling out of l’Historil, a bar-restaurant, heading for the bright lights of the disco zone. Another group of French soldiers passes through the metal detectors to enter Shams, a nightclub rammed with revellers lit by disco balls. The outlines of the Statue of Liberty and a bare-breasted woman hang on the walls; 13 waitresses stand elbow to elbow serving drinks at the red-lit bar.

While parts of the city and many Muslims are dry, drinking is common. “Everyone here drinks and if they don’t, they drink in private,” one Djiboutian jokes to me over his whisky. Alcohol is sold in bars and the state licenses a clutch of tightly controlled booze importers.

Larry Modi is among them. The Christian son of an enterprising Indian runaway and an Ethiopian woman, the 67-year-old has run a supermarket in Djibouti City for many years. Warm and avuncular, with soft features, big round eyes and greying hair, he greets me at 11.30am with an offer of “champagne?”, pouring glasses for us both. His shop features floor-to-ceiling shelves of beer, gin, vodka and more. He is beloved by generations of soldiers and his office has the military memorabilia — gifts from soldiers serving out their time in this peculiar way station — to prove it; the French made him an honorary Legionnaire.

The cultural quirks of a country that appears to welcome all belie Djibouti’s repressive political climate. A London judge last month, ­ruling on a corruption case brought by Djibouti, painted a picture of President Guelleh’s regime as “capricious”, “cavalier” and on occasions “reprehensible”. Diplomats whose troops rely on the president’s welcome describe him as the crafty, powerful and impressive leader of a centralised autocracy, one stop short of dictatorship.

Human-rights activists decry a series of abuses. The government routinely suppresses the opposition, “harassing, abusing and detaining government critics”, says the latest report from the US state department, published last year, which also censures Djibouti for conducting torture, arbitrary arrest and detention of demonstrators, opposition members and journalists.

In 2011, the state put down a series of protests that hinted at the beginnings of Arab Spring-like uprisings. In December last year, police clashed with the opposition, killing at least seven and wounding dozens. Today the opposition protests against vote-rigging and harassment.

“There’s a lack of freedom, people are desperate, poor — it creates a lot of discontent. People are patient but there’s a limit,” Daher Ahmed Farah, spokesman for the opposition coalition group Union for the National Salvation, tells me.

Opposition figures such as Farah, a 54-year-old who goes by his initials “Daf”, have been ­followed, arrested and tortured. They meet and speak with the furtive glances and low voices borne of well-informed paranoia. Daf himself has been arrested more than 25 times since 2013, he says.

When I meet him one afternoon, we go to an empty café until a lone man comes and sits right next to us and, Daf feels, listens in. We lower our voices, move tables, and finally we leave.

That evening, I receive a call from reception to my hotel room. “There are some visitors here to see you.” I was not expecting any. I go downstairs to see a man wrapped in a skirt, wired on khat, and his adjunct dressed in a camel flannel uniform. “Come with us,” says the man in the skirt.

“Hello. Greetings. How can I help?” I ask, attempting a smile. “Police. Come with us.” I say I do not think it wise for us to have this conversation — or perhaps it is an arrest — at night, in the dark, in an unknown location, and could we pursue this tomorrow. They insist.

I manage to alert my back-up contacts before the police take me to what turns out to be the city’s central commissariat. Along with two other men, a colonel questions me at length, asking why I met with the opposition, what Daf said and who introduced us. I demur.

He directs the same questions to me again and again, especially the last, in a bad comedy of repetition, peppering his inquisition with the admission that it is perfectly legal for me, an accredited journalist with the right visa, to meet the perfectly legal opposition. The whole thing lasts four hours.

Back in my hotel room, I do not sleep for what is left of the night. I relate the tale the next day to a diplomat. “It’s intimidation,” he tells me.

In May 2014, Djibouti’s assumption that it was a well-protected island of peace in a troubled region was shaken when al-Shabaab launched a double suicide attack on a downtown restaurant popular with locals and westerners. One person was killed and dozens wounded.

Being targeted not only for sending troops to fight al-Shabaab in Somalia but also for hosting foreign bases — the attack took place in the same month that Djibouti signed its extension agreement with the US — was a shock to a country that had until then considered itself off-limits.

“Djibouti is calm, peaceful — a Djiboutian can never do that, they like peace too much — but, if someone is prepared to die, you can’t stop them,” says a member of the government’s antiterrorism group, which comprises 160 security officers and 600 civilians linked into a reporting network. “It was a wake-up call,” says the agent. “We have totally reorganised policing and protection along the border. Now we pick up communications — we see the value in ­talking to people and we’re much more alert.”

Djibouti’s belief that it stands to benefit from being the linchpin for an international coalition against terrorism clearly brings its own risks. But foreign minister Youssouf insists that the country has not wavered “from our belief that globalisation means everything”. Djibouti’s security role also helps establish a modicum of leverage distinct from populous, landlocked Ethiopia, on which it has always been seen as dependent. “Everyone said Djibouti would be swallowed by Somalia or Ethiopia but in the end we are the umbilical cord for Ethiopia, and now they and the Chinese see us as that,” says Youssouf, concerned to dispel the notion that Djibouti exists solely to service the Ethiopian economy.

The US has tried to enlist China as friend not foe in the military field in Africa, suggesting integrated operations in areas such as landmine clearance and peacekeeping training. China turned down a request for a joint demining programme but it participates in international anti-piracy missions and some naval exercises. The US hopes to encourage greater co-operation. Djibouti could, if it goes well, become a catalyst for what one observer calls “a joint globalised security architecture”. But the flipside augurs ill: well-armed superpowers jostling in a city of closely guarded secrets, raising the stakes on the militarisation of trade routes and security chokepoints. Managing the existence of both a US and a Chinese military base in the same country “will be a challenge for all involved”, says ambassador Kelly.

For Djibouti, the answer is clear. “For many ­years Japanese, Italians, Germans, French and Americans are just coexisting in this very small land,” says Youssouf. “So why should it be different in the future?”

Pardon the source, but this article not only well explains the draconian anti-abortion law that Poland’s PiS party is set to pass, but also prompts the question as to what other insane laws the new Polish government will institute.

An additional danger for White Nationalists is to be anticipated by Jewish commandeering of the inevitable popular backlash.

Daily Beast, “Poland’s Coat Hanger Rebellion Against a New Anti-Abortion Law” 6 April 2016:

Poland’s Catholic Church and conservative government may have figured a draconian new “pro-life” law would have general acceptance. They were wrong.

When Catholic priests issued decrees during morning mass last Sunday calling for the country to institute a complete ban on abortions, Poland erupted in protests. The initiative was not unexpected, but the surge of opposition caught many by surprise as men and women took to the streets waving wire coat hangers, symbols of the deadly “back room” abortions that take place when all legal means to terminate a pregnancy are exhausted.

The purpose of the priests’ coordinated speeches was to launch a petition and gather churchgoers’ signatures that could then be used to begin a legislative campaign in the country’s parliament, the Sejm. A “pro-life” organization called Fundacja Pro quickly gathered the required 1,000 signatures. But when the group made its intentions known during the course of the previous week, many Poles started organizing opposition on Facebook.

In just two days, they drew together over 65,000 concerned activists and laid the groundwork for Sunday’s protests, but stopping the momentum of the draconian legislation is going to be a long, tough fight.

Current law in Poland allows abortions only in three drastic situations: when the pregnancy is a result of rape or incest; when the life of the pregnant woman is in danger; or when the fetus is severely damaged. This is already one of the most restrictive abortion laws in all of Europe, forcing many women to seek out underground abortions or travel outside of Poland to countries like Slovakia. But in the eyes of Poland’s Catholic Church, this policy is too lackadaisical.

The draft of the new legislation was written by an organization called Ordo Iuris (Rule of Law), whose stated aim is to “promote a legal culture based on respect for human dignity and rights.” The draft was promptly endorsed by the Polish Episcopal Conference, which acts as the central organ of the Catholic Church in Poland. The conference’s widely disseminated notice on the new law explained that it supports it because the 5th Commandment specifically states “Thou shalt not kill,” and thus life must be protected from beginning—from the moment the sperm fertilizes the egg—to its natural end.

The wording of the law itself is simple but the implications are sweeping: “Every human being has the inherent right to life from the moment of conception,” reads its article I. “The life and health of the child from conception remain under protection of the law.”

On April 4, the Polish television network TVN reported that the law would lead to prison terms of up to three years for causing the death of a child once conceived. The same would apply to anyone who assists with or encourages the termination.

Critics looking at the possible legal ramifications were appalled. Pawel Kalisz of the Polish website Natemat wrote that the wording of the law could include as accomplices the woman or girl’s doctor; the friend driving her to the clinic; the dad who wrote her the sick note for the day off from school; the friend who brought her medication from abroad. Everyone.

Others noted that, in theory at least, rape survivors and children will be forced to give birth; women who might die due to their pregnancy will have no way to terminate it legally; a miscarriage might be punished with a sentence, as fetal murder will enter the criminal code;

Also, the state will have the right to bypass a person’s constitutional rights in order to protect unborn children; since prenatal testing is connected to a very small risk of miscarriage, it will be banned and doctors performing it might face criminal charges; and the morning-after pill will be categorized as an early abortion tool and thus completely banned (as will IUDs).

As one protester pointed out as well, women who discovered early on that their fetus had zero chance of surviving the pregnancy would be forced to live with the misery of carrying the baby for months and months until the inevitable conclusion.

The punishment would escalate to up to eight years of jail time for abortions undertaken without the consent of the woman. Furthermore, prison sentences of up to 10 years would be on the table for abortions undertaken while the fetus has the capacity for life outside the womb.

There are some loopholes, but they are narrow and unreliable. The draft law would not make it a crime for a doctor to end the life of a conceived child during the course of a procedure essential to saving the life of the mother. Furthermore, in exceptional cases the court would be able to reduce the jail sentence of a mother who had deliberately caused the death of a conceived child, or waive it altogether.

Although Polish values generally are Catholic and conservative, many Poles marched out of mass on Sunday in disgust when priests read the decree. A video of a woman openly admonishing her pastor went viral across the country. In it, the priest interrupts the woman’s tirade to ask if she has finished with her “political statement.” The irony of this remark was not lost on social media users, with one woman commenting, “Well, yes, because in church, political statements can only be made from the priest’s pulpit.”

The country’s right-wing media, meanwhile, called these protests a provocation against the state.

Although, formally, nothing has yet been codified, the wheels of change have been put into motion says Polish journalist Michał Szułdrzyński. “Now that Fundacja Pro have done their initial signature gathering, they will take it to the Sejm, which will verify the 1,000 signatures and then give the group three months to collect another 100,000 signatures. If successful, this next step would force the Sejm into taking a serious look.”

That’s not nearly as difficult as it sounds.

In 2011, a civic initiative to ban abortion gathered nearly 500,000 signatures and was introduced into the Sejm. At that time however, the lower house was run by the more left-leaning Civic Platform, which rejected the idea. When it was put to a vote, the more liberal Civic Platform party held 208 seats while Law and Justice (known by its Polish acronym PiS) controlled 157. The result of the vote was 178 for and 206 against.

Now, however, the PiS controls 235 seats against the Civic Platform party’s 157, and has embarked on a systematic campaign to stifle and marginalize opposition. PiS could pass the bill on its own, and it’s also got a parliamentary ally, with the third biggest party Kukiz’15, run by musician turned right-wing populist Pawel Kukiz. The Kukiz party holds 40 seats in Sejm, and its leader has also been an outspoken opponent of abortion in the past. With these numbers, the bill will almost assuredly pass.

All of this poses a very real and terrifying prospect for women across the country who fear that the coat hangers they’ve been holding as symbols of resistance might soon become their only recourse against unwanted and unsafe births.

When asked why he believes this is happening again, Szułdrzyński says it’s quite simple. “In the opinion of the Catholic Church abortion is wrong in every circumstance and they feel that as a Catholic country, Poland should pass a law to reflect the church’s position.”

Earlier in the week, Polish Prime Minister Beata Szydlo was asked on public radio what she thought about this issue, and she said that as a Catholic she supports the proposal. Her remarks sparked outrage and she has now backtracked a bit to say that she was merely giving her opinion as a private person and not making a statement as prime minister.

Her flip-flop sparked ridicule online, with many women questioning why the PM was so personally interested in the wombs of Polish women. Several went on Szydlo’s Facebook page. One, Malina Prześluga-Delimata, decided to notify her, sarcastically, that she wasn’t pregnant:  “Madam Beato, I write to inform you that my cycle runs fine. I received my period on time (the cycle lasts 31 days).” She went on to thank the PM for being so interested in her and in her reproductive potential. “It is fantastic to know that for the moment I will be able to shift responsibility for my breeding to someone else. I will keep you up to date.”

The greatest display of anger, however, was on Poland’s streets, in what might be called the coat hanger rebellion.

Szułdrzyński believes that the ruling PiS party was caught off guard by the backlash. “This has driven great controversy because if you look at recent polls, although most people are against abortion, the overwhelming majority supports the three exceptions as they stand now,” he said.

Here is the organization behind this. Aren’t Abrahamic religions so nice? If some Arab or African converts to Catholicism, he can rape your daughter, be forgiven in confessional, while she is forced to bear the beast soon to be baptized into your biological people’s replacement.

Though Switzerland is held up as a model providing the most hope and the sanest policies for we native-nationalists, it has our problems too. We will be speaking with our friend in Zurich again soon: when we spoke to him few days ago, he told us that although Switzerland is something like an island of sanity in an insane Western Europe, what is happening in the rest of Europe cannot help but spill-over, and it is, to some extent, even seeping into Switzerland. What is of more concern is that the people have become complacent - insulated from the brunt, they are more susceptible to accept the liberal PC propaganda that is funneled in from media abroad. The indifference to the threat from without can be very frustrating. While passing through Germany, he was shocked by the throngs of immigrants, groups of healthy adult Middle-Eastern males in the train stations. His comment: “This is real!” He noted that there has been a similar overconfidence in Poland from which a percentage are only slowly being awakened. Same as in Switzerland, comparatively few are sufficiently alarmed by the gravity of what is threatened. Lastly, he noted, that there are YKW in Switzerland, he’s spoken and has goings on with some of them while they are ensconced among the comfortably unperturbed by what is happening in Europe.

TNO, Switzerland: 60 Jihadist Cases, 30 March 2016:

Switzerland—another nation being flooded with nonwhite “refugees”—currently has no less than 60 Jihadists being investigated for possible terrorist links, that country’s attorney general has announced.

Speaking to the Neue Luzerner Zeitung, Michael Lauber confirmed that the number of criminal investigations into Islamist groups in Switzerland has doubled in the past four months.

More than 60 Jihadists are currently facing prosecution, Lauber said, adding that last November the number of cases being handled was 33.

He said that most of the proceedings were to do with Islamist propaganda and support for terrorist organizations such as Islamic State (IS) and al-Qaeda.

Earlier this month a court in Ticino found three Iraqi invaders guilty of supporting ISIS.

All four had been charged with trying to create an ISIS cell in Switzerland and planning terrorist attacks. They were jailed.

“At the moment we do not have a case as serious as that of the Iraqis,” Lauber said. “But there are various groupings of people considered problematic in Switzerland.”

The majority of the cases involved internet propaganda, and the Office of the Attorney General was looking for guidance from the courts as to what constituted propaganda under Swiss law.

“We hope particular cases will show us whether our laws are sufficient or whether we need to adapt them,” Lauber said.

Cases currently under investigation include one against a member of the executive of the Islamic Central Council of Switzerland who released a video supporting a jihadist organization.

Another case involves a nonwhite arrested at Zurich airport under suspicion he was headed for Syria to join the fighting.
READ Why Does the Controlled Media Refer to Illegal Immigrants as “Infiltrators” in Israel, but “Asylum Seekers” in Europe?

There are so many nonwhites living in Switzerland legally—despite Swiss residence and citizenship laws being notoriously strict—that there are also increasing numbers of “returnees” coming back from fighting for ISIS in Syria.

“As part of the joint efforts with Federal Police and the Federal Intelligence Service, we assume that we have an overview of the so-called returnees in Switzerland,” Lauber said.

Switzerland took in 45,000 nonwhites posing as refugees last year alone. The government planned to admit “only” about 29,000 “asylum-seekers” that year, but along with the rest of Europe, was overwhelmed by the Angela Merkel-caused invasion.

Switzerland is however not a member of the European Union, and thus is not part of the mandatory relocation scheme for asylum applicants which most EU members now face.

* The single largest party in the Swiss parliament is the Swiss People’s Party. In multi-lingual Switzerland, this party has three names: in German, the Schweizerische Volkspartei or SVP; in French, the Union démocratique du centre; and in Italian, the Unione Democratica di Centro. Both French and Italian names translate as Democratic Union of the Center, or UCD.

Despite being the single largest party, the peculiar Swiss government system has meant that the SVP has been unable to take over the government, and is forced to share power with Social Democrats, Liberals, and Christian Democrats, all of whom are pro-invasion.

Her stance on border control is fine, her integrationist disposition, however, augurs disaster for E.G.I.

TNO, Brussels: Immigration and Terrorism, 22 March 2016:

The promotion of legal and illegal nonwhite “immigration” into Europe is to blame for the latest terrorist bombings in Brussels, and such attacks will increase unless the Third World invasion is halted and reversed.

The controlled media’s coverage of the attacks will, as usual, focus on the minutiae of the events rather than their real cause—and will do anything to hide the fact that mass Third World immigration is the real culprit.

Above: A CCTV still of the suspected bombers. The two circles indicate the gloves worn to hide the suicide vest triggers. The nonwhite on the right apparently fled after his device failed to detonate.

The Brussels Metro blast scene.

The March 22 Brussels attacks—carried out by Muslims in revenge for the earlier arrest of “immigrant” terrorist Salah Abdeslam—have only been possible because race-denying liberals have allowed the Belgian capital—and many other cities in Europe—to be overrun with Third World immigrants over a period of decades.

In their mania to deny the reality of race and racial differences, the ruling liberal elite in Europe has claimed that nonwhites can come to Europe, and, once they learn the language and adopt Western-style clothing, will become “Europeans” in culture, intelligence, achievement, and social responsibility.

Of course, nothing of the sort happens. Because intelligence, social responsibility, achievement, psychology, and physical appearance are genetic in origin, all that actually happens is that the chaos which these Third Worlders have created in their own countries, merely gets transferred en masse to Europe.

Brussels is a case in point. Anyone who knows and understands the demographics of that city would have been able to predict the nature of that city’s inhabitants without ever having been there.

That city is now so overrun with nonwhites that Mohamed is the most common male name in the Brussels region—and has been for many years, as the Morocco World News service recently boasted.

READ Jews Object to “Xenophobic” Euro Parties; But Support Ultra-Xenophobic Israel

Although the [liberals] who run the Belgian government have made it illegal to record the race of the capital’s population, a 2012 report in the Brussel Niewus news service revealed that 62 percent of Brussels residents have a “foreign origin.”

While this unquestionably includes many Europeans—not only because the European Union is headquartered in that city—the reality is that a very large percentage of that number are nonwhite “immigrants,” both legal and illegal; “asylum seekers,” and “refugees.”

Furthermore, given that the “62 percent” figure is already nearly four years out of date—and the nonwhite invasion has increased dramatically over the last year alone—it is likely that the percentage of nonwhites in Brussels is far higher than what many might expect.

Thus the attacks in Brussels come as no surprise, just like the nonwhite terrorist attacks in Paris last year. Indeed, nonwhite immigration has been the cause of every single major terrorist incident in Europe for the last ten years at least—and possibly longer.

The reality is therefore clear: the acts of terrorism which are spreading across Europe are directly related to the increasing number of nonwhites living on that continent. Anyone who denies this is only deluding themselves.

From this fact it is equally clear that the only way in which terrorist attacks such as that in Brussels and Paris can be brought to a halt, is by the expulsion of all nonwhites from Europe. There is simply no other way to solve the problem.

The physical expulsion of the Third World population from Europe is something which is easy to physically implement. All that needs to be done is to gather the political willpower to do it—by empowering those parties and political movements which will carry out such a policy.

READ Eastern Europe “Defender of Civilization”

If this political will is not created, then Europe will be condemned to self-destruction, increasing terrorism, being overrun by the Third World—and, ultimately, physical extermination at the hands of the nonwhites.

While Louis Farrakhan praises Trump for what he believes to be his independence of Jewish interests, “Black Lives Matter” demonstrated that black lives don’t necessarily matter if they wholeheartedly support Trump.

CT, “BREAKING: Black Trump supporter shot and killed by Chicago protesters” 12 March 2016:

...an African-American supporter of Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump has died after allegedly sustaining gunshot wounds in the aftermath of Friday night’s chaos in Chicago.

Robert King Bullock, aged 37, was a resident of Chicago’s Evanston suburb. According to Bullock’s friend, who also attended the Trump rally, Robert was an avid chef, and he recently obtained his Masters of Business Administration and planned to open a local restaurant.

This source spoke with CTN on the condition of anonymity, and asked to be referred to as “Terry.” He called for Bullock’s death to serve as a reminder to anti-Trump groups and the mainstream media.

“Rob was a black man, but he supported Trump because he got tired of Democrats saying his race was the thing holding him back,” Bullock’s friend told CTN.

“[Rob] lost his job because of Obamacare.  He lost his brother to black-on-black gang violence.  Now he lost his life because he believed in a white man.  His race didn’t have a damn thing to do with what held him back.”

Bullock and Terry were separated in the chaos that followed the protesters’ interruption of the planned Trump rally, which led to widespread violent scuffles and the event’s cancellation.  It is believed that he attempted to make his way to a nearby bar to charge his dead cell-phone and reconnect with Terry.

Multiple sources have confirmed that protesters and Trump supporters continued to clash as they moved from the UIC Pavillion to their vehicles and nearby locations.  It is believed that Bullock, at some point after leaving the event center, was confronted by protesters, beaten, then allegedly shot two times in the abdomen and left shoulder by a small to medium-size handgun.

The following picture allegedly was taken as police walked the crime scene north of the UIC Pavillion, where the Trump rally was held.

Terry says that the circumstances surrounding the events are still unclear, and he only learned of Bullock’s death when his business card was found in the victim’s pocket.  Terry says that Bullock asked for his contact information when the chaos erupted and he realized that his phone battery was dead.

Bullock’s body was discovered in the early hours of the morning by two homeless gentlemen.  He was transported to a nearby hospital, where he was pronounced dead,

Terry says that two signs were also found next to Bullock’s body.  One read, “Stop The Racist Trump.”  The other was marked with, “Donald Trump = KKK.”

Farrakhan’s home base is in Chicago. He is the most respected black leader among blacks. If he likes Trump most among the leading candidates, it raises questions as to the “organized and organic” disruption of Trump’s speech - “Black Lives Matter” style - in Chicago…

I like Trump. He’ll take America to hell in a rocket-ship because he really got the courage to do it; and the reason I like it is because he ain’t bought and paid for (but that don’t mean that you should vote for him).

Louis Farrakhan, Chicago.

Mr. Trump is peeling away the skin of the onion of White civility….he is beginning to show something in the character of the Whites that follow him; that they don’t care what he says. He could say one thing this minute another thing the next minute; and you can see that the man has a little problem. He is exacerbating the race situation in America. And I will guarantee you, that if he becomes President, he’ll take America exactly where America is heading. He’ll take you there on a rocket ship. How can a man say that he’s not a thug, he’s a diplomat, he’s a President; we’ll go into Iraq and we’ll just take the oil. See, that’s the thug coming out. That’s that part of the nature of the beast that’s manifesting. Well, if he becomes your President, you’ll be just like him. ...when you get leadership that is not rooted in justice then they begin to make the people just like themselves. Be careful America, you are headed into the abyss of hell.

NYTimes, “Donald Trump’s Rally in Chicago Canceled After Violent Scuffles”, 11 March 2016:

CHICAGO — With thousands of people already packed into stands and music blaring to warm up the crowd, Donald J. Trump’s campaign abruptly canceled his rally here on Friday night over security concerns as protesters clashed with his supporters inside an arena where he was to speak.

Minutes after Mr. Trump was to have taken to a podium on the campus of a large, diverse public university just west of downtown, an announcer suddenly pronounced the event over before it had begun.

“Organized and organic” protestor with orange wristband

Note “Orange Revolution” wrist bands.

George Soros was an original backer of “Black Lives Matter”, “The Orange Revolution”, “Femen” and other neo-liberal “organic uprisings.”

Washington Post, “In Chicago, an organized and organic disruption of Trump”, 12 March 2016:

CHICAGO — The push to disrupt Donald Trump’s campaign rally began a week ago, when news first broke that the Republican presidential candidate would appear at the University of Illinois campus here on this city’s West Side.

Student leaders of campus organizations such as the Black Student Union and Muslim Student Association began organizing their own rally and march to the rally venue; a Facebook page publicizing the efforts attracted 11,000 people.

Every Day is News Years in Cologne
                           
               
                           

TNO, “Cologne is Everyday”, 11 March 2016:

Nonwhite invader rape and sex attacks are now so common in Germany that the events in Cologne on New Year’s Eve have become “every day,” according to a Google maps website set up to track the incidents.

New Years Celebrations Abound

The Twitter account, @XYEinzelfall (“individual cases”), has created a Google map to track police reports of crimes committed by nonwhite invaders in the country. “Cologne was just the tip of the iceberg,” the page says. “Cologne is every day.”

The Gatestone Institute has compiled a shocking list of sexual assaults and rapes by invaders in Germany in just the first two months of the year.

Drawing only from German media reports, the list documents more than 160 instances of rape and sexual assault committed by the nonwhites in train stations, swimming pools, and other public places against victims as young as seven.

German police use terms such as “southerners” (südländer), men with “dark skin” (dunkelhäutig, dunklere gesichtsfarbe, dunklem hauttyp), or “southern skin color” (südländische hautfarbe) to describe the alleged perpetrators.

Most recently, three girls aged 15, 16, and 17 were assaulted over two hours by a mob of up to 30 invaders at a shopping center in the northern city of Kiel.

Since the attack, which began when two Afghan men began stalking the teenagers and sharing photos on social media, other women have come forward to report similar experiences.

“Groups of young men gather at the Sophienhof [shopping center] every evening,” a restaurant owner told the Kieler Nachrichten newspaper.

“What they do here is unacceptable. The moment they see a young woman wearing a skirt or any type of loose clothing, they believe they have a free pass. It is about time migrants are made to understand: things in Germany function differently than in their home countries.”

READ Why Political Parties Will Not Save Britain from Extinction at hands of Third World Immigration

After the Cologne attacks, which German authorities and media initially attempted to cover up, a total of 1075 criminal complaints have now been filed from the New Year’s Eve attacks, including 467 alleging crimes of a sexual nature ranging from insults to rape.

Last month, prosecutors said most of the suspects were refugees. Cologne prosecutor Ulrich Bremer said 73 suspects had been identified, of whom 12 were linked to sexual assaults.

He said earlier reports describing only three of the suspects as refugees were “total nonsense.” He told the Associated Press that “the overwhelming majority of persons fall into the general category of refugees.”

Some entered Germany saying they wanted to apply for “asylum,” while others had formally filed an application. Among the 15 suspects in custody was a Moroccan “asylum seeker” who entered Germany in November.

One female police officer in the northern city of Oldenburg told local newspaper Nordwest-Zeitung she feared a breakdown of public order in summer, when women begin to wear more revealing clothing.

                                       
        .......Every Day is New Years and Ready Access

     
Vanessa M. (27) gestern im Krankenhaus. Sie trägt ein T-Shirt mit der Aufschrift „We love Vanessa“, eine Aktion, mit der Freunde und Familie für sie Spenden sammeln.

Bild, “Säure-Opfer Vanessa | Ich werde mich nicht verstecken!” 8 March 2016:

Vanessa kurz vor der Tat
   
                                                                            Ex-Freund Daniel F. (32) sitzt in Haft